Honourable members of the 14th Saeima!
Ladies and Gentlemen!
Congratulations on the first day of your four-year term in office!
I
Your work begins at a time of crisis. Russia's invasion of Ukraine is the biggest security threat in Europe since the World War II. Every family in Latvia is affected by the rising cost of energy. The Covid-19 pandemic seems to have receded somewhat, but is not over. The world economy is slowing down rapidly. Inflation, especially in Latvia, is at its highest in decades.
I have no doubt you will have to fight more than one crisis.
II
However, the time of crisis management must be a time of reform. Latvia lags behind. Lagging behind Europe and its Baltic neighbours.
The 14th Saeima must be a reforming Saeima. The government should be a reforming government. You must stop Latvia's long slide backwards, which has already begun during previous Saeima convocations. Latvia must be safer, more competitive and better governed in four years' time.
You will now have many tasks to accomplish in health policy, social policy, cultural policy and other important areas. I will not talk today about what needs to be done in each area.
I will focus this time only on the three most strategically important areas for the Latvian state - education, economy and security - and then I will conclude with our current political situation as a whole.
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Honourable Members!
The first area is our people. Educated people. People who are competitive in the world feel they belong to Latvia, the Latvian language and culture.
Because only the Latvian identity makes our country unique among the other countries of the world.
It is the task of the entire Latvian education system to foster the development of such people and help such a person to develop, starting with kindergarten, school, and university and ending with the yet-to-be-created lifelong learning system.
For 30 years, education and science as a priority have moved from one party's election programme to another. But progress is very slow.
You, dear members, now have the opportunity to make this slogan a reality by tackling this issue for real once and for all.
IV
For years, there has been talking about restructuring the school system. In the OECD education rankings, we are in the middle, far behind Estonia, one of the world leaders.
From 2025, all children must be taught in a single national language. This decision, after 30 years of cowardly avoidance, has now finally been taken. And I think that historians looking back at the work of the 13th Saeima will certainly say that, from the point of view of sustainability, this was the most important decision of the 13th Saeima. However, there is a shortage of Latvian language teachers. There is also a shortage of STEM subjects teachers.
This is where the state needs to step in quickly. Clear criteria and deadlines for the reorganisation of the school system. Special support for students in disciplines where there is a shortage of teachers. Increased benefits for teachers in areas where quality education is at risk. This applies in particular to teachers of Latvian language and science subjects.
The competency-based education system has been implemented for some time. Now it is time to evaluate the experience so far. I believe that every young person graduating from secondary school in Latvia must have basic knowledge in one of the science subjects, Latvian and world history, and civic skills.
Schools should also ensure that children learn one of the languages of the European Union as a second foreign language after English. Until now, Russian has been offered as a second foreign language in most schools. But Europe, not Russia, is where we belong. The next Minister for Education should take care of this.
V
Latvia's sustainable development can only be based on science, research, technology, innovations and quality higher education. Colleagues, we have no resources other than educated people.
It is incorrect to say that a country can only “afford” competitive science and educational programmes once it has achieved a certain level of prosperity. On the contrary, science and education are the foundation of a country's prosperity.
But the outlook on this area is quite disappointing. Latvia currently spends only 0.7% of its GDP on science and research, compared with an EU average of 2.2%. So only one-third, colleagues!
It is, therefore, necessary to envision that, over the next four years, funding for science and research will increase to 1.5% of GDP. In the meantime, of course, the EU average will also have risen to 3%, and in four years' time, if this were implemented, we would only be at half of the European average, instead of the countries that are at the forefront in Europe. You can see the backwardness of where we are today. However, this half of the European average will be better than the current third.
Finally, and most importantly, there must be a concept, reflected in the government's declaration, of what will be done in concrete terms to achieve a major breakthrough in the education and science sector over the next four years. I deliberately started with education, science, innovation and technology, because these areas could ensure Latvia's breakthrough and sustainable development.
VI
Education, science and technology also include digitisation. There are large European funds available for it. We have so far not been able to make full use of them.
We have some excellent start-ups, whose programmes and products are distributed worldwide. However, overall, society's digital skills are generally below the EU average. They urgently need to be developed. Finally, the "Computer for every child" programme should be implemented.
Public administration is fairly well digitised. However, it is not linked to a single digital system. Digital design, which is not a matter of aesthetics but accessibility, is generally weak. Its full potential is not being exploited.
At the same time, I would like to remind you that digitisation must not become a fetish or a source of money. Digitisation must lead to real improvements and savings in each case.
This is particularly true of public administration. Where real communication between people is replaced by an automated response or decision-making, people must not be forced into a dead end, where their questions are abandoned or left unanswered. This, dear Members, is a matter for the rule of law and therefore for the Constitution.
Similarly, digitisation must not lead to further erosion of privacy. It must not lead to even more intense digital surveillance and control of people.
These side effects are already being debated around the world. Latvia, as one of the first countries with an established digital awareness, could develop an effective digitalisation policy that, on the one hand, unlocks the potential of all digitalisation-related improvements, but on the other hand, protects people, their privacy, freedom and does not subject their thinking and actions to the agency of automated programmes and manipulation. This could be an ambitious goal for an intelligent digitalisation policy in Latvia.
It is clear that in the new government, as practically everywhere in Europe, there must be a cabinet member responsible for digital policy, who must develop and implement such policy measures.
VII
The second strategic area is the economy. Here the key challenges are clear and the next coalition needs to agree on how best to implement them.
Energy security and independence must be seen in the context of the transition to renewable energy resources.
I doubt whether we have less wind and sun than our neighbours. However, Estonia already has three times and Lithuania seven times as much wind power. With the same slow pace, we will not reach the 2030 goal of 50% renewable energy in final consumption.
VIII
I would like to stress that the European Green Deal aims both to reduce the devastating impact of the current economy on the climate and the environment, and to transform the economy, which in the future must be based on clean or cleaner technologies and educated people.
This is necessary to increase the living standards of Europeans. But it is also necessary to strengthen European autonomy, and European sovereignty in the world, especially independence from authoritarian competitors and authoritarian centres of power.
The European Union has allocated major resources to this green transformation. A green pathway is in Latvia's interest. It offers enough opportunities to adapt it to our specific situation and to our needs.
It is in our vital interest not to desperately resist this transformation, but on the contrary, to be at the forefront. At the forefront of Europe, because everyone is now on equal footing. And we can be at the forefront if we are willing and able to turn the goal into concrete policies. That is how we will get the economic acceleration we need.
It would therefore only make sense that this policy of the highest level of importance would be addressed in a separate ministry, bringing together the administrative units dealing with these issues, which are currently scattered across different ministries.
This does not, of course, mean increasing the total number of civil servants in the country, which is around 4 000, but restructuring the executive branch so that it can carry out its tasks in a more targeted and efficient way.
We need a clear, conceptual energy, environment and climate policy within the Green Deal, which should be a priority for the next government.
IX
Similarly, the area of up-skilling and retraining of the workforce is poorly managed. I reiterate the importance of educated people as the foundation for our economy and the sustainability of the country.
We have no coordination between national development plans and workforce policy. There is no political accountability for the final result.
Latvia needs workers for a digital, innovative, green economy. This is not a welfare task, but an economic policy task.
It is also linked to demographic, family and children policies. We cannot avoid this issue any longer.
Moreover, I believe that immigration from third countries is not the solution. It should be allowed in certain cases to attract highly qualified employees, such as scientists and engineers.
Our economy must be based on our own people. However, the emigration of Latvians should be encouraged more.
The new government, therefore, needs a conceptual, coherent and integrated demographic, family and children policy, and a specific member of government responsible for it.
X
Honourable Members!
Now about security.
The security of our country must be based on three pillars. Firstly, it is security against external threats. Secondly, internal security. Thirdly, civil protection.
The response to Russia's imperialist war against Ukraine is a new NATO security strategy, which was adopted in Madrid in June this year. In cooperation with Canada, NATO forces in Latvia will be increased to the level of a multinational brigade.
Our National Armed Forces have been strengthened in an exemplary manner since 2014. I can assure you that the qualifications of our soldiers are highly valued at NATO level.
Now we need to do the rest - we need to increase the combat capability of the National Armed Forces. I therefore call on the Saeima to adopt the Law on the National Defence Service as soon as possible so that the first recruitment could take place already next summer.
XI
Our country's external security depends on Latvia's involvement in NATO and the European Union. Therefore, Latvia's foreign policy influence in Europe and the world is important.
Also, thanks to Latvia's determined foreign policy, the centre of gravity of European politics has shifted towards the Baltic States and Poland since the beginning of the war. This influence must be strengthened.
In 2025, Latvia will stand for a seat on the UN Security Council. 129 of the 193 UN Member States must vote for us. We must fight for this, we have to work over the next two years to win 2/3 of the votes of these countries, a significant part of which do not even know about Latvia. Foreign policy has a huge task here, and that requires strengthening the capacity of the diplomatic service.
Members of the new government and members of the Saeima will also need to be able to argue coherently in international and European forums. We have to articulate Latvia's position coherently in a way that the other side understands, which increase our influence, not diminish it with meaningless rhetoric. Provincialism here can be dangerous for our security.
XII
Our protection against external threats is at a good level. This is the result of consistent policies and adequate funding.
Latvia's security starts at the national border. However, it is still not adequately secured. A quarter of the police force is understaffed, representing a significant shortage. The infrastructure is in disrepair. All the internal affairs services lack modern equipment, pay is inadequate and education is lagging behind.
The situation needs to change radically. If this second pillar does not function, all security will not be guaranteed. Therefore, the next government must draw up a clear programme with the aim of making sure that the internal security services reach the same level as our National Armed Forces in the coming years. A road map is needed to keep track of what has been achieved and what remains to be done in order to reach the same high level as the National Armed Forces.
Perhaps back then, in 2014, someone said that this was not possible. It is possible! And the same should be done for the internal affairs system. I therefore call for such a road map to be drawn up from the onset.
XIII
The third pillar of Latvia's security - civil protection - has been completely forgotten. Until now, no one considered it as something urgent that needed attention. We have a system, where many participate, but there is no clear accountability. We saw this very well during the Covid-19 crisis.
The system cannot be effective without central coordination. I call for a stable and permanent institutional framework to be established to ensure a unified national coordination response in disaster or crisis management, involving local authorities and citizens.
Such a crisis management centre should be under the authority of the Prime Minister or another member of the Cabinet.
XIV
And now about the current political situation.
2/3 of you have been elected for the first time. In the 13th Saeima, 2/3 of the members were also elected for the first time. We have a tradition of some kind of vetting of MPs. Therefore, we can safely assume that also in the next 15th Saeima 2/3 will be new deputies, who will replace you.
It is good to remind yourself of this in order to ensure that your work commitments throughout these upcoming four years are approached in a focused and responsible manner. To accomplish something that, in 2026, you can look back and say it has been good for the country.
Currently, it looks like the coalition will be formed by three factions - New Unity, the United List and the National Alliance. There are enough common elements of the programme between them to form a solid coalition that will last for four years.
I have instructed Krišjānis Kariņš to conduct consultations on the formation of the next government. This is taking place in four steps.
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The first step is a Memorandum of Cooperation outlining the main directions of the coalition's policies. Negotiations on this are still ongoing, but it is very likely that it could be signed in the next few days, as there are enough overlapping areas and views that need to be formulated in a common programme as a basis for the next coalition.
XVI
The logical second step is to agree on the structure of government.
I believe that the current archaic structure of government, where each ministry pursues its own policies in isolation like a medieval feudal lord, regardless of what other ministries are doing and without proper coordination, needs to be reformed.
This is necessary because, firstly, in addition to classical policy areas such as foreign affairs, justice, defence, health and others, the current structure does not cover a number of policy areas typical of a modern European society. While other countries are developing these policies, we are unable to do that in an adequate and targeted way. I have already named a number of them.
Secondly, the cross-sectoral policies that are characteristic of a modern society are chronically dysfunctional. Digitalisation policies are a clear example. The fact that each ministry is incompetently trying to implement digitalisation policies in isolation, is resulting in the overspending of funds and guarantees that our country lags behind in the digital world.
And thirdly, it should be noted that these areas are not set in stone forever. They are subject to change, depending on the current political situation and the government's priorities. For example, energy policy, which used to be at the departmental level - and one department made energy policy! It should be the absolute first priority of the government! Another coalition would certainly have other priorities, which must be reflected in the relevant government structure.
The structure of government in a modern European parliamentary democracy must therefore be flexible, adapting to both the needs and the priorities of the government.
There is also a need to distinguish between first-level, especially classical policies, and second-level policies, which are also important, but not so important that they need a separate ministry. However, they still need to be managed and represented in government by an appropriate political official.
I would like to remind you that the government system of pre-war Latvia was smarter than the current one, because there were first- and second-level cabinet members in pre-war Latvia. In the first government on 18 November 1918, there were ministers and deputy ministers. For example, the Minister of the Interior had two deputy ministers, each responsible for his own area within the large portfolio of the Minister of the Interior. The Minister for Defence, Zālītis, also had a deputy, as did the Minister for Justice, Strautnieks. Even then, it was considered that first- and second-level policies should be covered. And now, with the new coalition and the new government structure, this must also be considered.
By the way, there were deputy ministers not only in the democratic period, but also in the authoritarian period. For example, Alfreds Bērziņš was a deputy Minister of the Interior and was later promoted to Minister of Public Affairs.
But we are talking about the democratic era - that is part of the normal understanding of how government works.
And the argument that the current model has been around for a long time no longer holds. The fact that it has been that way for a long time is the cause of the problem. Therefore, we have no reason to continue the structural failure of this government and to transfer it to the new government.
Again, I emphasise that this coalition and the government must achieve a breakthrough so that at the last Saeima session in 2026 you can say with a clear conscience: "Yes, we have achieved it!"
XVII
Finally, the fourth step is the drafting of the government declaration.
The government declaration must cover all policy areas. I will talk about the most important ones, but they must all be covered - social policy, welfare policy, health policy, and cultural policy. There must be an agreement on concrete steps in each of them. Perhaps they can be differentiated regarding the timeframe for the first, second or third year.
Only then will the work on the government declaration show whether this coalition can start work, whether there is enough agreement on what it will do. And I repeat what I said yesterday. It cannot be the case that first a minister takes his seat and then starts thinking about what he is going to do. No, the opposite! First we have to know what the Minister will do, and only then can he get into the chair.
That is why the government declaration needs to be worked on thoroughly. Then it will become clear whether this coalition will be able to start work at all, whether it will be weak and will soon fail, or whether this coalition will be solid and resilient, one that will be able to steer Latvia through the stormy waters of the next four years.
When I gain reasonable confidence that the possible coalition is up to its first big task - the preparation of a concrete, meaningful government declaration - I will invite the Prime Minister-designate to form the new government, and then you, dear members, can decide whether you have confidence in it.
XVIII
Honourable Members!
I wish the next coalition to work as a team, without internal jealousies and without backbiting, always aware that you are working towards common goals that you will agree on and that you will all be collectively accountable to the public for the outcome. You will not be able to stand out at the expense of your colleagues. The electorate will judge you collectively.
I wish the opposition to work constructively, without demagogy and populism, which leads nowhere.
I call on the coalition to listen to and take into account the constructive proposals of the opposition.
I invite all of you to work together over the next four years to fulfil to the best of your ability the national task enshrined in the Constitution: to guarantee the existence of the Latvian nation, its language and culture throughout the centuries. To safeguard the freedom and promote the prosperity of the Latvian nation and every person.
Thank you!
